YMGE XII: ORGANIZATION OF AMERICAN STATES
Letter from the Dais
Dearest Delegates,
Welcome to this year’s meeting of the Organization of American States (OAS). Since the OAS came into existence in 1948, it is our goal to uphold the organization’s four pillars: democracy, human rights, security and development. Composed of all 35 independent states of the Americas, we make efforts to further joint development in areas ranging from education to tourism and trade. In our committee sessions this year, though, we will be discussing the topic of sustainable development and the topic of improving our democracies
Hi! My name is Diego (he/him), and I will be serving as this year’s OAS chair. Since this is my first year getting involved with a model government conference, I am beyond excited to meet the delegates and chair interesting discussions and debate. I’m a sophomore at Yale majoring in Physics with a certificate in Computer Science. Although I am definitely a STEM man, I have a slight international relations streak, having spent my junior year of high school on a government-funded trip to Germany. At Yale I am a member of Yale Outdoors and the Yale Climbing Team. I also periodically write for the Yale Daily News under the Arts column and volunteer at the Yale Community Kitchen. In my free time I read, watch “Better Call Saul” or do almost anything outdoors with friends. Email me with questions or to say hi at diego.aspinwall@yale.edu.
The main goal of this year’s OAS committee is to engage in respectful debate with fellow delegates. We aim to give every delegate a chance to contribute to discussion and hope that delegates are open to hearing others’ opinions. Beyond this, delegates should come away from the conference with something new - whether it be new friends or new insights into international relations. Delegates should be well prepared, but at no point should they feel excessively stressed for the conference. If this is the case, please email the chair! We’re looking forward to making this a great committee experience.
Best,
Diego Aspinwall
Introduction
Committee History
[Source: OAS ]
The first International Conference of American States was held from October 1889 to April 1890 in Washington, DC in order to improve business relations. At the time, eighteen states participated in the Conference and the union was known as the “International Union of American Republics for the prompt collection and distribution of commercial information.” Since then it has developed into the “Pan American Union” and then finally into the General Secretariat of the OAS as we know it today.
At the initial conference provisions were adopted to govern extradition. The conference also produced guidelines to dissuade war among American countries. The conference laid the foundations for the inter-American system: peaceful cooperation and economic integration amongst the Americas.
In 1945, discussions began to charter the Organization of American States. This decision was made to strengthen the aforementioned values, but also as a reaction to the perceived threat of communism to the western hemisphere. After extensive discussion, the OAS was established in 1948. The word “states” was chosen over “republic” to avoid excluding other forms of government in the Americas. “Nations” wasn’t chosen because it was considered a sociological concept. The Charter has been modified four times since 1948.
Since 1902 and the Pan American union, various institutions have been established for cooperation in regional subjects. Most notably the Pan American Health Organization (later a regional office of the World Health Organization), the Inter-American Juridical Committee and the Inter-American Commission of Women, among others.
The OAS has settled conflicts amongst American states since its inception. Most notably it provided a framework for a truce between Honduras and El Salvador, which brought an end to the Soccer War in 1969. The OAS enacted trade sanctions and broke diplomatic relations to Cuba from 1964-1975, succeeding the Cuban Missile Crisis. It also suspended Honduras from the OAS following a coup against President Manuel Zelaya in 2009.
Structure and Role of the Committee
Delegates are members of the General Assembly of the OAS. The General Assembly is the supreme organ of the OAS, and each member (one per each of the 35 states) gets one vote. Each member state is represented by their country’s foreign minister or chief of state. In the YMGE XII conference, each delegate will represent their nation rather than take on the role of the specific representative. For example, a delegate would represent the nation of Guatemala instead of the Permanent Representative of Guatemala to the OAS, Rita Claverie de Sciolli. A full structure of the Organization of American States is available here.
The General Assembly determines the “mechanisms, policies, actions, and mandates of the Organization.” Its function is determined by Chapter IX of the Charter of the Organization of American States. The General Assembly convenes annually and decides the date and location of the next session at the end of the conference. This being said, with two thirds approval of the member states, a special session may be called. Decisions of the General Assembly are adopted with an absolute majority. In certain cases a two-thirds majority is required.
Upon its establishment in 1948, the OAS was a “regional agency” to the United Nations. It has remained such since then and collaborated with the UN on joint ventures to promote peace and security, most recently in joint missions to Haiti.
More information on the OAS is available here, under “About the OAS.”
References
https://www.oas.org/legal/english/organization_charts.htm
https://www.britannica.com/topic/Organization-of-American-States
Glossary
Glossary for Topic 1:
Sustainable development (Brundtland definition) - development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs
Political capital - term used for an individual's ability to influence political decisions
Extreme poverty - struggling to fulfill the most basic needs like health, education, and access to water and sanitation
Natural resources - industrial materials and capacities (such as mineral deposits and waterpower) supplied by nature.
Socioeconomics - of, relating to, or involving a combination of social and economic factors. Included in Brundtland's definition of sustainable development.
Glossary for Topic 2:
Fundamental right - a right that is considered by a court (as the U.S. Supreme Court) to be explicitly or implicitly expressed in a constitution.
Checks on Government - examples: separation of powers, checks and balances.
Civil Liberties - examples: freedom of expression, freedom of Association and Assembly.
Democracy - holds, at a minimum, competitive elections in which the opposition stands a realistic chance of accessing power.
Authoritarian Regime - a non-democratic regime, characterized by a strong central power.
Hybrid Regime - a non-democratic regime that is a slightly more open space for civil society and the media than an authoritarian regime.
Topic 1: Sustainable Development Post COVID-19
Topic History
The idea of environmentally sustainable development originated in the 1960’s with the rise of environmental activism and published works backing this concept. In 1972, the United Nations Conference on Human Environment began incorporating this idea into the language of the U.N. General Body. Then, in 1983, the U.N. founded a commission in charge of evaluating the state of the environment and planning responses accordingly. In 1986, the U.N.’s World Commision on Environment and Development released a report, known as the Brundtland Commision Report. Here the term “sustainability” was stretched to encompass human socio-economic concerns, as well as the previously examined environmental concerns. The Brundtland definition of sustainable development: “development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs.” Although environmental sustainable development and socioeconomic sustainable development might seem like unrelated topics, they’re really two sides of the same coin. Consider how ocean pollution affects the toxicity of fish, creating food insecurity in coastal communities.
Although the concept of sustainable development has been around for a while, it has taken a new meaning following the COVID-19 pandemic. This recent pandemic caused massive economic losses in Latin America and across the world. With an increase in poverty since the beginning of the pandemic, development of infrastructure is essential. But combined with an increasing global temperature, which will especially negatively affect already warm areas of the planet, this development must be sustainable. Although the idea of using sustainable development to combat both climate change and poverty is by no means new, it is increasingly seen as a key answer to two of Latin America’s biggest future issues.
Current Situation
Since the beginning of COVID-19, the world has fallen off track to complete the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) set by the U.N.. This is a series of 17 goals, including ending poverty, ensuring clean water and sanitation, and ensuring reliable and clean energy to all. The SDGs are meant to be completed by 2030. The SDGs not only seek to boost the economy in Latin America, but also aim at doing this in a way that is environmentally and socio-economically sound. During the Covid-19 pandemic, Latin America experienced a 27-year setback in the efforts of poverty reduction according to the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC). The report indicates that the region went from having 81 to 86 million people living in extreme poverty. With the need for economic development more pressing than ever, the region struggles to find the balance between its monetary and infrastructural needs and the need to preserve natural resources.
Over 93% of the population of all countries in Latin America have access to electricity, with the only exceptions being Nicaragua, at 89% electrified, and Haiti, with only 47% electrified. Although a vast majority of the population has access to electricity, the remaining Latin Americans without access hinder the economy. This is due to a lack of productivity after sunset. Due to the lack of sunlight and electricity, businesses are closed after daylight. Similarly, a lack of light hinders the completion of schoolwork and therefore educational advances for children. Adding a power source to such communities is important, but making it sustainable is essential. The millions in Latin America who don’t have access to electricity live far removed from cities and their established electrical grids. Renewable sources are a solution because of the large space they could occupy for solar arrays or wind turbines in rural areas.
An example of the benefits of electrification is seen in the transition to clean cooking. Clean cooking uses low-polluting fuels, like a propane stove or an electric stove. Honduras, Guatemala and Nicaragua have notably low access to clean cooking, with a rate of around 50%. All other countries in Latin America have higher rates of clean cooking with the exception of Haiti, at only 4%. Using a biomass fuel, like wood, is bad for health. Household air pollution kills more than four million people globally per year. Biomass fuels also contribute much more to climate change than clean cooking fuels. Electrification overcomes these two detriments, but comes with its own challenges.
Latin America is uniquely vulnerable to the effects of climate change. Hurricanes, rainfall and drastic changes in temperature will only increase in frequency as time goes on. This is particularly detrimental to the Latin American economy because natural disasters could destroy infrastructure in locations that might not be prepared to adequately respond. People living in extreme poverty tend to settle in areas that are particularly vulnerable to natural disasters due to a lack of resources. This compounds on itself because it degrades land, leading to a higher likelihood of landslides, for example. Changes in temperature are also detrimental to food growth, which has an effect on food prices and security.
Infrastructure is at the heart of economic development in Latin America and ultimately benefits citizens. As cities grow in Latin America, urban development must be supported. This includes work on electrical grids, telecommunications, water distribution, transportation and sanitation facilities. Adding infrastructure to underdeveloped regions not only provides access to basic social services and stimulates the economy, but it also improves access to other services, such as education and healthcare. Challenges to infrastructure development include budget cuts and natural disasters. The placement of said infrastructure should not only support underrepresented groups, but should also allow for international intercourse and growth.
Water scarcity is a future problem in Latin America. The cause of water scarcity is predominantly the use of freshwater for agriculture. The overuse of water resources doesn’t allow them to be replenished, which in turn leads to droughts. This has especially affected Central America’s “Dry Corridor,” which includes regions of Honduras, El Salvador, Guatemala and Nicaragua. Drought leads to food scarcity, which was also experienced in Brazil from 2014-2017. Nearly 85% of the population of Mexico is currently experiencing drought conditions. Around 60 large reservoirs across the country are below 25% capacity. This has left some residents with no running water. Economic development and urbanization have created a greater need for reliable water for both industry, agriculture and personal use. One solution to this problem means creating more efficient farming methods that allow for variations in climate. Forest and ecosystem restoration is also proven to increase water absorption in soil.
Biodiversity is decreasing in Latin America with the further development of agriculture. Deforestation in particular is driven by developing agriculture, in addition to the development of livestock, extractive industries and urbanization. Brazil leads the world in primary forest loss, and Bolivia, Peru, Colombia and Mexico are in the top ten countries with the highest deforestation rates. Palm oil is a good example of a product that is mass produced in the tropics at the expense of biodiversity. Although it’s an efficient crop, monoculture oil plantations are endangering local species, eroding soil and accelerating climate change. And that doesn’t even include the environmental effects of maintaining and processing palm oil trees. Palm oil is used in food products, detergents and cosmetic products, among other things. More than half of packaged products that Americans consume contain palm oil. This means that any decisions made on changing agricultural practices are often indirectly or directly influenced by foreign corporations.
Sustainable development in Latin America is facing several challenges. As previously mentioned, economic development alone is not enough for the future of the region. This must be coupled with social benefits and stable jobs for workers. Reducing poverty in Latin America is an obvious step forward, but it must be paired with action against structural inequalities based on gender, territory and ethnicity. These challenges ultimately surround the feasibility of long-term economic growth in Latin America that is self-sustaining. As is well put in the U.N.’s article, “SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT IN LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN: FOLLOW-UP TO THE UNITED NATIONS DEVELOPMENT AGENDA BEYOND 2015 AND TO RIO+20”, “ we need growth for equality and equality for growth. For the long-term strategic horizon, equality, economic growth and environmental sustainability must go hand in hand.” Delegates, the challenge of this topic will lie in adding all three ideas above to your policies.
Good luck!
Questions to Consider
1) How will climate change affect your country in the future?
2) What is your country’s economy based on? Are these industries/services bad for the world climate?
3) What does your country look like geographically? What are your country’s most valued natural resources? Why are these important?
4) How did COVID-19 affect your country’s economy specifically?
5) How do you think the OAS could best build the implementation of sustainable development? Are there sustainable development policies that might not be feasible for your country to implement?
6) What actions are within the scope of the OAS’s authority? What policies can the OAS actually propose?
7) Bonus: Although much of our discussion is centered around environmental sustainable development, we haven’t touched the socioeconomic side of the definition as much. How might the proposed sustainable policies affect your country’s society?
Resources
https://www.oas.org/en/topics/sustainable_development.asp
https://www.oas.org/en/sedi/dsd/mission.asp
https://gjia.georgetown.edu/2020/12/18/is-the-future-of-central-americas-growth-sustainable/
https://borgenproject.org/sustainability-in-central-america/
https://www.un.org/en/chronicle/article/road-sustainable-energy-future-central-america
https://www.linkedin.com/pulse/origins-evolution-sustainable-development-concepts-dillion-asher
https://climate.nasa.gov/vital-signs/global-temperature/
https://www.merriam-webster.com
https://sustainabledevelopment.un.org/content/documents/1001RIO_20-Rev2ing.pdf
https://www.undp.org/latin-america/sustainable-development-goals
https://trackingsdg7.esmap.org
https://english.rvo.nl/information/what-clean-cooking
https://farmfolio.net/articles/water-scarcity-latin-america/
https://earthobservatory.nasa.gov/images/148270/widespread-drought-in-mexico
Topic 2: Improving Democracies
Topic History
After Latin America’s wars of independence in the nineteenth century, the remaining wealth was not distributed equally. Although the revolutionary armies fought bigotry and institutions created by the Spanish colonists, people of color and indigenous populations were left with disproportionately little wealth and power in the ensuing peace. Following the wars of independence Peru, Bolivia and Argentina saw the replacement of many leaders in a short period of time.
The twentieth century saw the rise of despots in Latin America. Fidel Castro and the Cuban Revolution inspired other such movements in the Americas. These movements were combatted by U.S. Intelligence operations, which caused widespread violence. 17 out of 20 Latin American nations were dictatorships by the end of the 1970’s.
Immediately following the late 1970’s, dictatorships were increasingly replaced by democracies. In 1999, 18 out of 20 Latin American nations were democracies, leaving only Mexico and Cuba. Mexico soon became a democracy in 2000. The rise of democracies in Latin America was accompanied by a rise in equality, along with economic growth. Since then, though, corruption amongst government officials has been rampant. Although economies may thrive, natural resources abound and many countries have good education systems, violence, injustice, corruption and inequality are widespread.
In the long run, Latin America is becoming more democratic. Latin America has made the most progress towards democracy over the past 40 years than any other region in the world. In the past couple years, there have been violent protests or social movements in many Latin American countries, including Venezuela, Colombia, Ecuador, Chile, El Salvador, Peru and the Dominican Republic, but only 27% percent of Latin American democracies have experienced any interruption in the same amount of time. This being said, democracy in many Latin American countries is severely affected by corruption and inequalities.
Current Situation
The quality of democracy in Latin America as a whole varies according to which measurements are used to determine how “democratic” it is. For example, Latin America has the highest percentage of election participation in the world with an average turnout of 67%. Elections are considered the only legitimate way of coming to power. Religious freedom is regionally the highest in the world. Latin America also has the highest percentage of female parliamentarians in the world with an average of 27%. On the other hand, trust in government and political parties has fallen. The region has the highest rates of crime, violence and income inequality in the world. Latin America is the third most corrupt region in the world and there’s a perception (mostly correct) that elites govern to benefit themselves.
The current quality of democracy in Latin America also varies widely from country to country. Some countries aren’t even democracies. Currently, Nicaragua, Venezuela and Cuba are considered authoritarian regimes, while Haiti and Honduras are considered hybrid democracies. All other nations are considered democracies, although their democratic “performance” varies. Some Latin American countries, like Uruguay and Costa Rica, are considered “strong” democracies. Others, like Brazil, Guatemala, Paraguay, Bolivia and the Dominican Republic could be considered “fragile” democracies. This being said, the number of democracies in Latin America has remained constant over the past two years. This is true even despite the recent COVID-19 pandemic, during which almost all elections were held at their original date or legally postponed. Additionally, the media, parliament and the judiciary have continued their functions with little change in oversight.
Although the number of democracies in Latin America has remained constant over the past couple years, the current state of democracy in this region could best be described as “fatigued.” Most democracies in the region are characterized as “mid-range” performing democracies, with the outliers being the “high-range” and “low-range” performing democracies. This worsened over the pandemic. COVID-19 served as a way to reduce checks in public administration, leading to corruption surrounding the release of vaccines and medical services and material. Freedom of expression, freedom of movement and personal security deteriorated during the pandemic as well, again facilitated by the restrictions imposed due to the virus. Additionally, Barbados, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala and Uruguay have all experienced democratic erosion since the start of the pandemic. Brazil’s condition in particular has been deteriorating since 2016. Worth mentioning are the pattern of attacks on electoral management bodies across Latin America. These attacks come from both sides (pro-government and opposition parties) and threaten the resilience of democracies along with the electoral process itself. Evidence of these attacks has been seen in Brazil, El Salvador, Mexico and Peru.
Despite negative news, there is hope for democracy in Latin America. Ecuador and the Dominican Republic have made notable progress in improving their judicial independence and civil liberties. Women and young adults, especially, have defended their rights and democracy through protests and civil society groups. Social and political change has still been possible despite COVID-19 restrictions.
The openness of the press has been slightly decreasing for the past couple years. Media integrity in Brazil, Colombia and Uruguay fell from 2015 to 2020. Note that although Uruguay’s media integrity rating has fallen, this nation still holds onto a high-performing selection of news outlets. The integrity of the media in Latin America has been questioned mostly due to media outlets’ ownership and connections to people in power. Mexico is one of the most dangerous countries in the world for journalists, with eight journalists killed in 2020 and three journalists killed in 2021. These killings usually go unpunished and are caused by local crime groups, sometimes with connections to authorities.
A recent series of protests over democracy and the legitimacy of leaders are being held in Peru. As of January 14, 2023, Peru’s government declared a state of emergency in the capital city of Lima, as well as in three other regions. This follows protests over the removal of President Pedro Castillo from office after he illegally attempted to dissolve congress. Said protests have led to over 42 deaths in the country. The emergency state allows the military to intervene in protests. It also temporarily revokes constitutional rights such as the freedom of movement and assembly with curfews. After Castillo’s removal, former Vice President Dina Boularte assumed power and has since rejected the idea of a constitutional assembly. These protests are exposing the divide between rural pro-Castillo Peruvian communities and the densely populated citizens of Lima.
Far-right protesters in Brazil attempted to overthrow the nation’s capital on January 8, 2023, following the defeat of former president Jair Bolsonaro in the presidential runoff election. Thousands of protesters attended, vandalizing the presidential offices, congress and the supreme court. Current president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva condemned the protests and is bracing the country for further protests.
A solution to the “fatiguing” of democracy in Latin America lies in strengthening resilience to the democratic erosion. This means strengthening democratic institutions, encouraging citizen-led reform and updating mechanisms to check corruption and distribution of power. A set of solutions is proposed in “The State of Democracy in the Americas 2021,” a report written by the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance. They list ten areas of action to strengthen democracies in the region:
* Regulating legal loopholes during emergency periods
* Prevent and mitigate the development of polarized and turbulent election systems
* Implement alternative voting systems
* Protect freedom of expression and press freedom
* Prevent the misuse of the armed forces
* Prevent acts of corruption
* Promote inclusive participation
* Protect judicial independence
* Promote spaces and mechanisms for political and social dialogue
* Strengthen international and regional mechanisms for the protection of democracy and human rights
In a region where a majority of young people believe in the strength of democracy, there is hope on the horizon. This decade will be a turning point for the future of democracy in Latin America. Delegates, think carefully about your actions and vote wisely.
Questions to Consider
1) What is the state of your country’s democracy (or lack thereof)? What about its history with democracy?
2) What are the biggest challenges facing your country’s democracy today?
3) Are there any minorities in your country that are overlooked? Are everyone’s fundamental rights fulfilled? Is anyone benefiting more from your form of government?
4) Have there been recent coups, protests or social movements in your country recently?
5) Consider the Washington Post’s motto: “Democracy Dies in Darkness.” What is the state of the press in your country?
6) How do you think the OAS could best foster democracy in Latin America? Are there policies that might not be feasible for your country to implement?
7) What actions are within the scope of the OAS’s authority? What policies can the OAS actually propose?
Resources
- https://time.com/5662653/democracy-history-latin-america/
- https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/R/R46016
- https://www.as-coa.org/articles/chart-state-democracy-latin-america-and-caribbean
- https://foreignpolicy.com/2020/06/25/latin-america-protest-pandemic-informal-economy/
- https://www.latinobarometro.org/latContents.jsp
- https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/1/15/peru-declares-state-of-emergency-in-lima-over-protests
- https://www.merriam-webster.com
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